Myanmar Peace Process: International Donors Wasting Tax Payers' Money?
0 comments Thursday, March 6, 2014The ceasefire negotiations with ethnic rebel groups started soon after Thein Sein government came into power in 2011. Not many people know that there has been no official budget for such important task which is necessary for lasting peace in Myanmar. Thanks to international community (i.e., Japan, EU, and U.S) have been the major sponsors for peace efforts.
By now, multimillion dollar was spent. But after two years of negotiations, lasting peace is still elusive as the Burmese military forces continue attacks against Kachin Independence Army, Ta’ang National Liberation Army, and Shan State Army - North which just had ceasefire agreement in 2012.
I wonder if Japanese, European and American tax payers ever wonder how their tax money is spent in Myanmar. As at now, the only people who are benefiting from this so-called peace efforts seem to be the mediators. Rumors have been floating that members of Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), the key mediating group, are enjoying monthly salary of USD 10,000. The ethnic rebel leaders who entered ceasefire deals with the government also enjoy lavish gifts including import car licenses that are worth of multimillion dollar. Given that the government has no budget for peace process, it is interesting where this money comes from.
Many agree that the peace process is not progressing enough because international community chooses to ignore the ethnic rebel groups with a notion of empowering young Thein Sein government. The flaw of this notion is that it fails to recognize the fact that without comprehensive political agreement between ethnic Bamar (majority group) and ethnic minorities, there will be no democracy or peace. I am sorry but it is true.
Thein Sein government has been telling international community that nation wide ceasefire agreement will be signed soon. This will not happen until international community has gut to push Burmese military and the government to have meaningful political negations with ethnic groups. Otherwise, multimillion dollar donation for peace process will be a total waste!
Zung Ring
Zungring@gmail.com
6 March 2014
read more “Myanmar Peace Process: International Donors Wasting Tax Payers' Money?”
By now, multimillion dollar was spent. But after two years of negotiations, lasting peace is still elusive as the Burmese military forces continue attacks against Kachin Independence Army, Ta’ang National Liberation Army, and Shan State Army - North which just had ceasefire agreement in 2012.
I wonder if Japanese, European and American tax payers ever wonder how their tax money is spent in Myanmar. As at now, the only people who are benefiting from this so-called peace efforts seem to be the mediators. Rumors have been floating that members of Myanmar Peace Center (MPC), the key mediating group, are enjoying monthly salary of USD 10,000. The ethnic rebel leaders who entered ceasefire deals with the government also enjoy lavish gifts including import car licenses that are worth of multimillion dollar. Given that the government has no budget for peace process, it is interesting where this money comes from.
Many agree that the peace process is not progressing enough because international community chooses to ignore the ethnic rebel groups with a notion of empowering young Thein Sein government. The flaw of this notion is that it fails to recognize the fact that without comprehensive political agreement between ethnic Bamar (majority group) and ethnic minorities, there will be no democracy or peace. I am sorry but it is true.
Thein Sein government has been telling international community that nation wide ceasefire agreement will be signed soon. This will not happen until international community has gut to push Burmese military and the government to have meaningful political negations with ethnic groups. Otherwise, multimillion dollar donation for peace process will be a total waste!
Zung Ring
Zungring@gmail.com
6 March 2014
Ceasefire Capitalism
0 comments Wednesday, March 5, 2014
Why
Burma's rebels have every reason to be suspicious of government emissaries
talking peace.
In early November, negotiators from
the Burmese government traveled to the northern town of Myitkyina to confer
with representatives from a conglomeration of ethnic rebel groups. It was the
first time in decades of warfare that government officials sat down with the
combined leadership of Burma's rebel movements, inspiring praise from the United
Nations.
But the optimistic news coverage neglected
to question the presence of another interest group at the meeting:
the Chinese. With billions of dollars invested in energy, mining, and logging
projects in Kachin state, China has a lot at stake in the outcome of this
conflict, which has threatened its access to the area's abundant resources. Its
involvement served as a palpable reminder (as if anyone needed it) that peace
talks between the government and ethnic rebels aren't just about political
differences. They're also very much about business.
That's a hard truth that's all too
often neglected in coverage of the continuing efforts to find a practical
agenda for peace. China is but one of many players in the scramble to
capitalize on the fantastically abundant natural resources in Burma's border regions,
which run the gamut from teak to minerals to hydropower, not to mention
Kachin state's $8 billion jade industry. The Burmese government used past
ceasefires as an opportunity to plunder areas inhabited by local ethnic groups,
prompting additional armed conflict while complicating efforts to resolve it.
Indeed, the government's recent reform push may be attempting to do the same
thing. All signs suggest that the government is hoping to exploit the bounty of
Burma's periphery as it opens to foreign investment.
This issue is one of the primary
irritants underlying the government's fight with the rebels in Kachin state.
Among Burma's many ethnic groups, the Kachin have particular experience with
the Burmese government's malformed "peace." In 1994, the government
managed to broker a peace agreement that ended decades of civil war. But the
ceasefire did not mean that the regime began to take the Kachin's interests
into consideration. During the 17-year ceasefire period, the Kachin watched as
their state was carved up and sold to regime-aligned corporations -- usually
with little benefit to the people who lived there.
Following the 1994 deal, Burmese and
Chinese firms moved in to control the local economy, whittling small businesses
down to nothing, and bringing in thousands of migrant workers who forced the
Kachin out of jobs. The influx of migrant workers and rising poverty rates had
a corrosive effect on Kachin society. At the
same time, the Kachin's land was cordoned off for corporate exploitation.
Nearly 20 percent of the state's land was allocated for mining, while nearly
200,000 acres of land in the Hukawng Valley Tiger Reserve were
set aside for biofuel crops. Shortly after the 1994 agreement, the government
rolled out plans to build seven dams along the N'Mai and Mali Rivers to be
financed by China. When they are completed, most of the output will go to
China, ignoring local energy needs. This will only ramp up anti-business
feelings among the Kachin.
And in 1994, the exploitation of the
ceasefire didn't stop at business. The Burmese army used the ceasefire period
to bolster its presence in Kachin state. This meant that when the Burmese
troops launched an assault on Kachin rebels in June 2011 -- intentionally
rekindling the war -- they had a strategic advantage. Battalions were already
stationed en masse across the state, ready to widen the conflict. Moreover,
because the ceasefire had blurred territorial boundaries, government troops
were able to block fleeing civilians reentering rebel-controlled areas. In the
face of violent conflict, these civilians could not get home. This nightmare
scenario continues today, as evidenced by the thousands of civilians who fled
after fresh clashes broke out less than a
fortnight ago. Conversely then, the ceasefire period allowed greater
militarization of the region, and eroded the security of its people.
It's no coincidence then that the
Kachin faction is reluctant to sign a deal before knowing what the Burmese
government plans for the state's resources. Doing so may presage a repeat of
the destructive business practices that have steadily eaten away at the state.
The Kachin have noted the eerie parallels between this round of talks and those
in 1994. The presence of Chinese observers at this week's ceasefire talks
suggests that Beijing's interests in the outcome of the conflict are as
pressing as they were 20 years ago. Despite various rounds of talks this year
where the Kachin Independence Army (KIA) pressed the government to
come clean on its plans for the state after the proposed ceasefire, the two
sides have continually failed to cement a political deal that would demarcate
territory and delegate rights to resources.
For an ethnic group that has long
called for autonomy, the prospect of another ceasefire without a political
resolution to these chronic problems is unthinkable. In that respect, foreign
governments who used the Myanmar Peace Center -- widely considered a mascot for
the government's reformist agenda -- to hurry ethnic armies into laying down
their arms either do not understand the source of the Kachin's reluctance, or
are practicing willful, perhaps even strategic, denial. Burma's border regions
have a reputation as a final untapped energy market, and that is a tough
incentive to ignore.
If the Kachin had any doubts that
the government is prioritizing business, last year's talks in Karen state would
dispel them. In early 2012, the government was able to hammer out a ceasefire
agreement with the Karen National Union (KNU) following decades of conflict --
but only by encouraging pro-business Karen officials to deviate from the more
hard-line faction. These pro-business officials agreed to open a liaison office
in exchange for development assistance that would open the door to large-scale investment
in the region, which is rich in gold, hydropower, and possibly
even shale gas.
This same pro-business group
participated in ceasefire talks with the government in 2011 that included
delegates from Dawei Princess, a local partner in a massive deep-sea port
project under construction close to the Karen's territory. The delegates were
invited despite resistance from the
KNU. The make-up of these early meetings offered an early indication of the
business dimension to the ceasefire talks.
Opening the doors for foreign
development has had serious consequences for the people of Karen state. A 2012 report by
Physicians for Human Rights spotlighted the link between extractive projects
and rights abuses in the region. It warned that people who lived near a dam,
pipeline, or mine were "almost eight times more likely to have been forced
to work for the army and over six times more likely to have been uprooted or
had restrictions placed on their travel." (A useful National Geographic
map offers visual evidence
for this.) The half a million people displaced by war in eastern Burma hope to
return to their land soon, but as the Kachin who returned after the 1994
ceasefire found, this land may now belong to someone else.
Rather than working to compromise
with the KNU, the government decided to open a fissure in the one entity that
commands respect across Karen society. The Burmese government may have won a
flimsy ceasefire, but the prospects for lasting peace in a region familiar with
the duplicity and abusive tactics of the Burmese army are slim.
On top of all this, the parliament
passed a new foreign investment law earlier this year that offers attractive
incentives for business in Burma. It also conveniently places the regulation of
harmful practices in the hands of the Burmese government, which has historically shown no
inclination toward responsible investment. It is likely that companies will be
free to operate in the same way they have for years, and with the same
consequences.
Everyone from corporate clients,
to foreign governments,
to the Burmese military seems to be entering the fray to advocate for what
Kevin Woods calls "ceasefire capitalism"
-- that familiar shadowy nexus of military, political, and business elites that
has dominated Burma's economy for 50 years, exploiting periods of calm to
assert control over land. Everyone, that is, except for the ethnic groups at
the center of these talks. It certainly seems that Burma is in danger of
repeating history by tainting its peace negotiations with the interests of
those who do not prioritize peace. Away from the optimistic talk greeting
the ceasefire negotiations lies the ugly side of the reform process.
All told, civilians face many of the same dangers they did during wartime.
BY: Francis
Wade, 5 December 2013.
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/11/29/afghanistan_karzai_bilateral_security
Why
Burma's rebels have every reason to be suspicious of government
emissaries talking peace - See more at:
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/11/29/ceasefire_capitalism#sthash.rFzmtQJS.dpuf
Why
Burma's rebels have every reason to be suspicious of government
emissaries talking peace - See more at:
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/11/29/ceasefire_capitalism#sthash.rFzmtQJS.dpuf
Why
Burma's rebels have every reason to be suspicious of government
emissaries talking peace - See more at:
http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/11/29/ceasefire_capitalism#sthash.rFzmtQJS.dpuf
Ceasefire Capitalism
Ceasefire Capitalism
Why Burma's rebels have every reason to be suspicious of government emissaries talking peace.
- See more at: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/11/29/ceasefire_capitalism#sthash.rFzmtQJS.dpuf
Why Burma's rebels have every reason to be suspicious of government emissaries talking peace.
- See more at: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/11/29/ceasefire_capitalism#sthash.rFzmtQJS.dpuf
Ceasefire Capitalism
Why Burma's rebels have every reason to be suspicious of government emissaries talking peace.
- See more at: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/11/29/ceasefire_capitalism#sthash.rFzmtQJS.dpuf
Ceasefire Capitalism
Why Burma's rebels have every reason to be suspicious of government emissaries talking peace.
- See more at: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/11/29/ceasefire_capitalism#sthash.rFzmtQJS.dpuf
Ceasefire Capitalism
Why Burma's rebels have every reason to be suspicious of government emissaries talking peace.
- See more at: http://www.foreignpolicy.com/articles/2013/11/29/ceasefire_capitalism#sthash.rFzmtQJS.dpufMaking Aung San Su Kyi President alone will not solve Burma's armed conflict
0 comments Tuesday, December 31, 2013The ruling Union Solidarity and Development Party (USDP) recently announced that it will propose a number of changes in 2008 Constitution to the parliament. Among the proposed articles for amendment is the Article 59F, which prohibits Aung San Su Kyi from running for president.
Changing the constitution to enable Aung San Suu Kyi to run for presidency is a good sign. But this alone will not solve the country's long standing political conflict between ethnic Bamar and non-Bamar ethnic groups unless the grievances of ethnic minorities are well addressed.
Most of the so-called 'Burma Experts', Burma observers, and journalists naively make remarks or write in such a way that making Aung San Suu Kyi will solve the problem the country's problem. Successive Burmese government has used ceasefire talks as an opportunity to further expand its presence in ethnic states and prepare for war of attrition.
It is worth to acknowledge the effective strategy of 'divide and rule' employed by the successive Burmese government in controlling the ethnic armed groups. Likewise, it is also important to point out the stupidity or stubbornness of the leaders of ethnic armed groups for failing to unite and fight the common enemy. It is fair to conclude that armed conflict will live on until all ethnic armed groups come to their senses that unity and cooperation is the only way to achieve their common goal - gaining meaningful autonomy.
read more “Making Aung San Su Kyi President alone will not solve Burma's armed conflict”
Changing the constitution to enable Aung San Suu Kyi to run for presidency is a good sign. But this alone will not solve the country's long standing political conflict between ethnic Bamar and non-Bamar ethnic groups unless the grievances of ethnic minorities are well addressed.
Most of the so-called 'Burma Experts', Burma observers, and journalists naively make remarks or write in such a way that making Aung San Suu Kyi will solve the problem the country's problem. Successive Burmese government has used ceasefire talks as an opportunity to further expand its presence in ethnic states and prepare for war of attrition.
It is worth to acknowledge the effective strategy of 'divide and rule' employed by the successive Burmese government in controlling the ethnic armed groups. Likewise, it is also important to point out the stupidity or stubbornness of the leaders of ethnic armed groups for failing to unite and fight the common enemy. It is fair to conclude that armed conflict will live on until all ethnic armed groups come to their senses that unity and cooperation is the only way to achieve their common goal - gaining meaningful autonomy.
Burma’s Meth, Opium Production Continues to Rise, UN Warns
0 comments Saturday, November 9, 2013
By
PAUL VRIEZE / THE IRRAWADDY|
Friday, November 8, 2013 |
RANGOON — Opium and methamphetamine production continues to rise in
Burma, and increasing amounts of the illicit drugs are being smuggled to
East and Southeast Asia, a report by the UN Office on Drugs and Crime
(UNODC) warned on Friday.
The UNDOC said seizures of opium, heroin and methamphetamine pills, as well as crystalline methamphetamine and precursor chemicals, “increased significantly in 2012” in Burma. The restive and rugged region of Shan State, perched between the borders with Thailand, Laos and China, continues to be a main source of illicit drug production, the agency said.
Last year, the number of seized methamphetamine pills saw a more than three-fold annual increase to about 18 million pills, the biggest haul since 2009, the UNODC said. Authorities also discovered 426 kilograms of crystalline meth, a more than ten-fold increase compared with 2011 and the largest crystal meth find since 2001.
Much of the seized methamphetamine was found during a raid on a storage facility in Tachileik, a Shan town located on the Thai border, where police found about 8.7 million meth pills. A bust of a clandestine laboratory in Shan State’s Kokang Special Region in July uncovered 73 kilograms of crystal meth as well as 274 kilograms of liquid meth and intermediate forms of methamphetamine, according to the UNODC.
Last year, opium cultivation and production “reached their highest level since 2003,” the agency said. The area under poppy cultivation increased by 17 percent compared with 2011, to reach about 51,000 hectares, while potential opium production increased 13 percent year-on-year to about 690 tons, worth some US $359 million, according to the agency.
It was the sixth consecutive year that opium production rose in Burma, which now produces about 10 percent of the world’s opium, making it the second-biggest producer after Afghanistan, according to UNODC. Production levels, nevertheless, remain far below those of the mid-1990s.
Most of the illicit drugs produced in Burma are destined for Thailand and China, and to a lesser extent Vietnam and Bangladesh, the UNODC report said, adding that 90 percent of all meth pills seized in China and Thailand were produced in Burma.
The agency said that across East and Southeast Asia “seizures of methamphetamine in pill and crystalline forms reached record highs while metham phetamine use increased in most countries,” adding that a total of 227 million meth pills were seized in the regions in 2012.
In Burma, there are between 300,000 and 400,000 drug users, according to estimates of the Myanmar Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control. The vast majority of those drug users opt for heroin and opium. The UNODC warned, however, that domestic meth use “is rapidly increasing.” The agency said arrests are also on the rise and that last year a total of 5,740 Burmese were apprehended on drug charges.
In Shan and Karenni states, opium poppy growing is an important source of income for impoverished farmers, and some 300,000 families in Burma rely on the cash crop, according to UNODC estimates.
Many farmers have been caught up in a decades-old conflict between the government and ethnic rebel groups, which are demanding greater political autonomy and control over natural resources. Despite the signing of several ceasefires last year, tensions remain high in parts of Shan State.
Wa and Kokang ethnic rebels, Palaung rebels, the Shan State Army-North, the Shan State Army-South and other armed groups have been battling the Burma Army and an array of government-backed militias. Groups on both sides of the conflict are believed to be involved in the drug trade.
The UNODC said small-scale meth production was occurring “primarily in territories controlled by active or former ethnic insurgent groups.” The report added that there was “almost certainly an industrial-scale production of methamphetamine pills and crystalline methamphetamine” taking place in Shan State, but it stopped short of naming the groups that could be involved.
Burma’s government has increased its cooperation with the UNODC in the field of drug eradication since President Thein Sein’s reformist government assumed office in 2011.
Some ethnic rebels groups say they are implementing their own drug eradication programs, and the Restoration Council of Shan State (the political wing of the Shan State Army-South) has been in talks with Naypyidaw and the UNODC about cooperating on eradication programs.
In August the RCSS said, however, that these efforts had faltered due to “a lack of collaboration from government troops in the region.” It said that successful drug eradication was directly tied to a political solution for the ethnic conflict.
Shan National League for Democracy leader Khun Htun Oo said the long-running conflict was the root cause of his state’s drug problems, and he claimed that the government-backed “people’s militias” were the main culprits in the surging drug production.
“They have about 200 people’s militias. To maintain these forces they have to rely on drugs; drug trading, opium growing, manufacturing Yama [meth] and all. That’s one of the reasons,” he said.
“They are given the task to monitor the movement of the armed [rebel] groups… That’s why they are given the right to produce and trade opium,” the Shan politician said. “The bigger groups will produce methamphetamine. The groups of more than 300 [militia men] will produce that because they can safeguard and control areas.”
Asked if ethnic Shan rebel groups were involved in the drug trade, Khun Htun Oo said, “Maybe not all, but some are involved—the bigger groups.” The rebels were involved, he said, in order to sustain their armed struggle, adding, “If you don’t grow opium, how can you bring anti-aircraft guns, bazookas and RPGs, and the latest weapons?”
The SNLD leader said he had little hope that UNODC and government drug eradication plans would stem the drug trade in Shan State any time soon.
“The situation is chaotic, now everybody seems to be corrupted, even the officials are corrupted,” he said, adding that several of the alleged drug lords running the militias were even members of Burma’s Parliament.
The UNDOC said seizures of opium, heroin and methamphetamine pills, as well as crystalline methamphetamine and precursor chemicals, “increased significantly in 2012” in Burma. The restive and rugged region of Shan State, perched between the borders with Thailand, Laos and China, continues to be a main source of illicit drug production, the agency said.
Last year, the number of seized methamphetamine pills saw a more than three-fold annual increase to about 18 million pills, the biggest haul since 2009, the UNODC said. Authorities also discovered 426 kilograms of crystalline meth, a more than ten-fold increase compared with 2011 and the largest crystal meth find since 2001.
Much of the seized methamphetamine was found during a raid on a storage facility in Tachileik, a Shan town located on the Thai border, where police found about 8.7 million meth pills. A bust of a clandestine laboratory in Shan State’s Kokang Special Region in July uncovered 73 kilograms of crystal meth as well as 274 kilograms of liquid meth and intermediate forms of methamphetamine, according to the UNODC.
Last year, opium cultivation and production “reached their highest level since 2003,” the agency said. The area under poppy cultivation increased by 17 percent compared with 2011, to reach about 51,000 hectares, while potential opium production increased 13 percent year-on-year to about 690 tons, worth some US $359 million, according to the agency.
It was the sixth consecutive year that opium production rose in Burma, which now produces about 10 percent of the world’s opium, making it the second-biggest producer after Afghanistan, according to UNODC. Production levels, nevertheless, remain far below those of the mid-1990s.
Most of the illicit drugs produced in Burma are destined for Thailand and China, and to a lesser extent Vietnam and Bangladesh, the UNODC report said, adding that 90 percent of all meth pills seized in China and Thailand were produced in Burma.
The agency said that across East and Southeast Asia “seizures of methamphetamine in pill and crystalline forms reached record highs while metham phetamine use increased in most countries,” adding that a total of 227 million meth pills were seized in the regions in 2012.
In Burma, there are between 300,000 and 400,000 drug users, according to estimates of the Myanmar Central Committee for Drug Abuse Control. The vast majority of those drug users opt for heroin and opium. The UNODC warned, however, that domestic meth use “is rapidly increasing.” The agency said arrests are also on the rise and that last year a total of 5,740 Burmese were apprehended on drug charges.
In Shan and Karenni states, opium poppy growing is an important source of income for impoverished farmers, and some 300,000 families in Burma rely on the cash crop, according to UNODC estimates.
Many farmers have been caught up in a decades-old conflict between the government and ethnic rebel groups, which are demanding greater political autonomy and control over natural resources. Despite the signing of several ceasefires last year, tensions remain high in parts of Shan State.
Wa and Kokang ethnic rebels, Palaung rebels, the Shan State Army-North, the Shan State Army-South and other armed groups have been battling the Burma Army and an array of government-backed militias. Groups on both sides of the conflict are believed to be involved in the drug trade.
The UNODC said small-scale meth production was occurring “primarily in territories controlled by active or former ethnic insurgent groups.” The report added that there was “almost certainly an industrial-scale production of methamphetamine pills and crystalline methamphetamine” taking place in Shan State, but it stopped short of naming the groups that could be involved.
Burma’s government has increased its cooperation with the UNODC in the field of drug eradication since President Thein Sein’s reformist government assumed office in 2011.
Some ethnic rebels groups say they are implementing their own drug eradication programs, and the Restoration Council of Shan State (the political wing of the Shan State Army-South) has been in talks with Naypyidaw and the UNODC about cooperating on eradication programs.
In August the RCSS said, however, that these efforts had faltered due to “a lack of collaboration from government troops in the region.” It said that successful drug eradication was directly tied to a political solution for the ethnic conflict.
Shan National League for Democracy leader Khun Htun Oo said the long-running conflict was the root cause of his state’s drug problems, and he claimed that the government-backed “people’s militias” were the main culprits in the surging drug production.
“They have about 200 people’s militias. To maintain these forces they have to rely on drugs; drug trading, opium growing, manufacturing Yama [meth] and all. That’s one of the reasons,” he said.
“They are given the task to monitor the movement of the armed [rebel] groups… That’s why they are given the right to produce and trade opium,” the Shan politician said. “The bigger groups will produce methamphetamine. The groups of more than 300 [militia men] will produce that because they can safeguard and control areas.”
Asked if ethnic Shan rebel groups were involved in the drug trade, Khun Htun Oo said, “Maybe not all, but some are involved—the bigger groups.” The rebels were involved, he said, in order to sustain their armed struggle, adding, “If you don’t grow opium, how can you bring anti-aircraft guns, bazookas and RPGs, and the latest weapons?”
The SNLD leader said he had little hope that UNODC and government drug eradication plans would stem the drug trade in Shan State any time soon.
“The situation is chaotic, now everybody seems to be corrupted, even the officials are corrupted,” he said, adding that several of the alleged drug lords running the militias were even members of Burma’s Parliament.
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