The Art of Kissing

0 comments Saturday, March 15, 2014

French kissing involves tongue contact, and there's really no right or wrong way to do it. But there certainly are plenty of preferences! You'll find out exactly what boys want from a girl and what girls want from a boy on coming posts, which contains more than forty minutes of instruction on how to french kiss.

The problem with many films, such as Try Seventeen (also known as All I Want) (2002), starring Mandy Moore and Elijah Wood, is that their french kisses really only show you the exterior of the mouth. How can you tell what's going on inside? No way to do it! This is a fine french kiss, but what are they actually doing with their tongues? You've got to look at movies like Cry Baby (1990) or Two Girls and a Guy (1997) to see the tongues in action. For example in Cry Baby, Johnny Depp can actually be seen sucking the tongue of Amy Locane, and in Two Girls and a Guy, Robert Downey Jr. can actually be seen flicking tongues with Heather Graham. And yet even in these films the french kisses are unnatural, filmed in an exterior manner (that is, with the tongues outside the mouth), so that the audience can see what the tongues are doing. The only movie that really shows a french kiss is The Art of Kissing (2001) because it takes you right inside the mouth. Yes, the camera goes inside a mouth so that you can see a perfectly natural french kiss from the inside. In fact, when you see it you'll be right in there too, along with both tongues, and you'll see everything the tongues can do in a 100 percent natural french kiss, the kind of kiss that you yourself will be likely to do. Sure, you can do a french kiss like Johnny Depp in Cry Baby or Robert Downey Jr. in Two Girls and a Guy, but how often are you going to be doing your french kisses with your tongue and your partner's tongue completely outside your mouths? Not too likely. (Photo copyright Millennium Films.)

How to French Kiss

William Cane's new DVD teaches you all you need to know about the most exciting kiss there is. Says Boston Magazine, it "graphically demonstrates the many ways to smooch." Says the Boston Globe, this "PG-rated video" was made by a true "kissing scholar."

Some techniques you'll learn on the DVD:
1. Flicker the tips of your tongues.
2. Rotate tongues in circular motions.
3. Play chase back & forth.
4. Suck your partner's tongue.
5. Gently bite their tongue.

The DVD teaches french kissing based on responses from more than one hundred thousand people in twenty-three countries and across the United States. You'll see real teens kissing and then they'll talk to you right from the screen, telling you what they wish their partner would do so that YOU know exactly how YOU should move your tongue.

Here's a typical action you'll see in french kissing. The first drawing shows the boy's tongue pushing deep into the mouth of his partner. Notice the girl's tongue bending and moving under his. The second drawing shows the girl's tongue becoming more active and playing chase, following the boy's tongue back into his mouth. But even these incredible diagrams don't tell the whole story! For that, you need the DVD. (Mangshang is not persuading you to buy the DVD. Actually, you can practice with your girlfriend or boyfriend.)


For more information: www.kissing.com/htfkv.html

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Ja Lungseng hte Wunpawng Myu Sha ni a Rawt Malan Hkrun Lam

0 comments Wednesday, March 12, 2014
By: Zung Ring (7 January 2014)

Rawt malan masing masa awng dang na matu gaw, zai ladat grai jaw ra ai. Zai ladat gaw, seng ang ai rawt malan hpung a ginra masa hta hkan nna shai chye nga ai. Jaw ai zai ladat hpe shaw lang lu na matu, tinang rawt malan wuhpung a n'gun (strength) hte gawng hkya lam (weakness) ni hpe atsawm sha chye na ra nga ai. 
Ndai laika kaw e, rawt malan hpung a 'n-gun' (strength) hta hkan nna jai lang chye ai zai ladat hpe bawng ban na re. Ga shadawn hku nna, Wunpawng Mungdan Shang Lawt Hpyen Dap (KIA) a n'gun gaw, mungkan hta grai manu dan ai ja lungseng ni hte hpring tsup ai Wunpawng Mungdan lamu ga rai nga ai. 
Tinang KIO/ KIA hpe mungkan kaw na garum wa hkra, KIO a mung masa hpe mungkan masha ni myit lawm wa hkra, maigan mungdan na hpaga la/num (company) ni tinang KIO hte bungli galaw mayu wa hkra, galaw lu na matu gaw, Hpakant ginra hpe tsepkawp lu madu da ra ai. 
Hpakant ginra hpe tsepkawp lu uphkang sai nga yang gaw; 
(1) mungkan a ja lungseng hpaga hpe tsepkawp madu (monopoly) lu ai hte bung sai. Dai hta n'ga, mungkan kaw lungseng manu hpe mai jum tek sai. Ga shadawn, Ja lungseng htu shaw ai lam ding yang byin/nbyin (stable) nchye ai majaw Hong Kong kaw lung seng manu grai rawt sai lam hpe 7 January 2014 ya shani SAW YAN NAING & ECHO HUI yan Irrawaddy kaw ka da ai. 
Mungkan kaw lungseng manu hpe tek jum lu ai sha n'ga, lungseng hpaga galaw mayu ai masha yawng gaw KIO hpe ahkang hpyi la ra sai. Dai majaaw, KIO gaw Wunpawng myu sha ni a tara shang asuya re lam (political legitimacy) hpe grau nna dan dawng wa na hta n'ga, hkap la wa na re. 
(2) Hpakant ginra hpe lu madu yang, ja gumhpraw law law shang na re. Wunpawng Mungdan a lungseng hpaga gaw, laning mi hta "US$ 8 billion" nga ai nga nna (Andrew R.C. Marshall & Min Zayar Oo) gaw 29 September 2013 hta Reuters shiga kaw ka da ai. Ndai gaw, lungseng hte seng ai gumhpraw sha naw re. Ndai ram manu dan ai lungseng gatlawk (jade market) hpe madu lu sai nga yang, Wunpawng myu sha ni a mung masa pandung gaw ani sha rai sai.
(3) Ja gumhpraw arang lu sai nga yang, tinang KIA hpyen dap hpe prat dep ai hpyen dap langai shatai lu na hta n'ga, myu sha ni a nga mu nga mai lam, hpaji lam, hkam ja lam, sut masa lam ma hkra hpe mung galaw lu sai. 
(4) Tinang a mungdaw hpe tsep kawp uphkang lu sai nga yang, anhte myu sha ni myit mada ai mung masa pandung de du na matu loi sai. Ga shadawn, Iraq mungdan kaw na Kurdistan mungdaw hpe yu ga. Ndai Kurdistan mung daw gaw, Iraq mungdan kaw sha raitim, tinang mungdaw a laksan makawp maga hpyen dap, balik dap, nbung li dap ni nga ai. International airport nga ai. Maigan na company law law mung Kurdish asuya hte ta gindun nna hpaga ga nga masai. Kade nna yang, laksan mungdan tai na sai nga nna masha law law yu maram taw nga masai. 
Gin chyum hku nna, Hpankant ginra hpe tsep kawp madu lu yang gaw, Wunpawng myu sha ni a mung masa pandung de grau lawan du shangun na zai ladat langai rai na re.
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N lagu, N lagawn, N laban

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By: Panglaihkrudu (2009)

Myen mungdan hta BA,BEd janmau gup ai jawng sarama langai mi a shata shabrai gaw lap 6000-7000(US$ 6 hte 7 lapran) rai nga ai. Sarama gaw shi lu ai shata shabrai kaw na nta shap rawng ra ai, shat mari sha ra ai, jawng sa jawng wa motorcycle sau mari bang ra ai, tsi mari sha ra ai, mare buga hte makam masham hpung de alu bang ra ai, si hkrung si htan machyi makaw hkrum ai jinghku jing-yu ni hpe karum ra ai.Dai jawng sarama a jawngma tai yu sai lawu tsang jawng n lung shangut la lu ai numsha langai mi Thai mungdan kaw nta nchyang ma (mae baan) galaw yang shat mung lani mi ma masum hkru hkru lu sha, nta mung n shap rawng ra, tinang du nga ai Thai buga de alu n bang ra ai(nta madu ni bungli galaw lakmat a matu gumhpraw bath 3800 bang ya ai), nta madu ni a maw daw jawn ai majaw motorcycle sau n mari bang ra ai, machyi makaw hkrum yang tsi n mari ra ai, tsi rung rawng ra yang Baht 30(Lap 800 matsat tsa) hte machyi mai hkra tsi tsi la lu ai. Mae Baan (Housemaid) langai mi a shata shabrai bath 3,000 (lap mun sanit 7,000 kaw na 8000(lap sen lahkawng 200,000) rai nga ai. Malaysia de lu sa ai ni shabrai htam masum(Baht 15,000) lu ma ai. Japan de lu sa ai ni shata shabrai lap sen 10 kaw na sen 20 lu ma ai. American shabrang lagai mi shanhte mugdan hta shata mi amu galaw nna lu ai gumhpraw hte Thai kaw shata kru amu n galaw ai sha majoi mi sa dung sha lu ai nga tsun ai. Mungkan ntsa e Myen mungdan a npu e nga ai mungdan lahkawng sha nga sai. Anhte a mungdan gara hku byin wa sai kun?

Prat ram ai Jinghpaw Wunpawng sha ni n-gun lagaw garai n yawm yang, masha ni kaw gumhpraw naw mai tam yang, tinang buga hpe gan kau da nna maigan mungdan ni de pru sa wa ra sai. Majoi shingra bum sin nga nna nta masha yawng matsan si na malai lu su nga mu nga mai ai prat dep ai mayu sha ni hte jighku hku nna matsan nhkun kaw na lawt pru lam tam ra sai. Tinang buga hpe kadai mung tsaw ra ai. Nam maling na awoi lagang pyi shi a nam shalawng hpe n ja ai. Sinat lang ai ni sha myu tsaw myit rawng ai n rai. U myi pai pyi n chye gap ai wa mung myu tsaw myit gaw sinat lang nna masha gap sat ai wa a myu tsaw myi hta n yawm na re. Myu tsaw myu tsaw ngu nna shada da asak gyam hkat, mung tsaw mung tsaw ngu nna buga kata hpun lawk kashun sha hkat, lungseng nhkun kashun sha hkat, ja nhkun kashun htu hkat nga ai hta, masha mung n sat, mung masha ni hpe mung n zing ri shingtsang ai sha, buga lamu ga hte nhprang rai mung n jahten shama kau ai sha, maigan de hpaji shakut, kan bau bungli sharin, gumhpraw tam, kanau kasha ni hpe bau maka, jawng shalun, kanu kawa hpe gumhpraw shagu n jaw, tinang a buga hte nawku hpung a matu alu bang ai gaw, grau nna myu tsaw mung tsaw myit hpe tatut madun dan ai rai nga ai. Ya prat hta n-gup hku myu tsaw mung tsaw ai hpe kadai n kam sai dum ra ai. Masha sat ai myu tsaw masa hpe mung mung shawa masha hkyet rung wa sai dum ra ai.
Dai majaw Jingpaw Wunpawng ramma ni, laika hpaji n sharin sana rai yang kanu kawa tam ai sha n mai la sha dung nga sai. Mungdaw mung dan sutgan kashun htu sha nga ai lauban ni a mayam n mai tai ai. Dai gaw mungdan hpya sha ai hpe n-gun jaw ai sha rai nga ai.

Majoi shingra bum hpe kade n ja tim ji wa ni tawn da kau ra sai. Mahkawn shabrang maigan sa, ama ni hte gumgai dingla nta nga. Maiggan du nga sai ni yak ai ngu aput angun n mai tsun ai. Mungkan ga gaw tinang buga n re ai majaw lusha nga shara, kanawn mazum lam gara kaw mung yak ai sha re. Tinang buga pyi yak nga ai n rai ni? Atsawm chye nga yang gara kaw mung tinang buga sha re. Karai Kasang gaw mungkan masha yawng a matu ndai mungkan ga hpe hpan da ya sai re. Masha a ginru ginsa hpe kadai hkum pat da lu na rai ta? America mungdan mung sumsing lamu mungdan n rai. Japan mungdan mung sumsing lamu mung dan n rai. Du ai shara kaw astam htum hkra shakut shaja nna ja gumhpraw, hpaji hparat, kan bau bungli sharin la na n mai lagawn ai. Dik shale gumhpraw n lu tim, Inglik ga Inglik laika, Japan ga Japan laika, Malaysia ga, Malaysia laika Thai ga Thai laika chye hkra sharin la ra ai. Ga amyu myu sharin chye la ai majaw myit malai lu ai nhtoi n nga na re. N sharin la kau ai majaw chyawm gaw lani mi myit malai kaba lu na rai nga ai.
Rai tim, maigan du ai ramma ni n mai lagu ai. Lagu ai masha hpe bungli madu ni n ra ai. Lagu chye ai masha hpe shaning tup kadai mung n bau da lu ai. Lagu ai wa gaw shi a lam shi pat la ai sha rai nga ai. N mai lagawn ai. Maigan mungdan hta mung shanhte mung chying sha ni pyi bungli n lu nna yak nga ai. Dai kaw anhte sa yang shanhte madu bu ni n kam galaw ai bungli hpe shawng sa galaw ra ai. Three-Ds ngu ai Dirty, Difficult, and Dangerous jobs (matsat shabat amu, yak ai amu, hkrit tsang ra ai amu) galaw ra ai. Lagawn ai wa a matu kanang kaw mung bungli n nga ai. America mungdan hkan e gumsan magam a kasha rai tim jawng n lung ai ten shi jai na gumhpraw shi tam ra ai. Democracy ngu ai gaw majoi mi dung sha, lagu sha, masu sha na mung masa n rai. Masha yawng rap ra ai akyu hkam sha na matu yawng jawm shakut shaja ai masa she rai nga ai. Maigan du ai Jinghpaw ma ni tinang buga zawn nawn nna kam ai hku wang lu wang lang nga chye ai. Ndai bungli grai yak ai, wora bungli n kam galaw ai, nga nna ya sha ya sha bungli lata, bungli htawt rai chye ma ai. Aten ma hkam, taxi shabrai ma hkam, phone shabrai ma hkam nna bungli matut ya ai manang ni hpe pyi mara shagun chye ma ai.
 
Tinang a buga e nga yang laning lap mun mi pyi n tam yu ai ni maigan du yang tinang a aprat hpe malap mali rai chye ma ai. Nkau mi tinang lu ai shata shabrai hpe beer, tsa man man lu nna ginlut kau chye ma ai. Kade ning na wa tim, nta de gaw pyek mi mung n shagun ma ai. Dai gaw akyang laban ai ngu ai rai nga ai. Dai majaw maigan de sa mayu yang, Inglik ga, Inglik laika sharin , Thai ga Thai laika hpe sharin, Malaysia ga Malysia laika hpe sharin, Japan ga Japan laika hpe sharin, computer hte ta dip jak typing sharin, dik shale Miwa ga hpe sharin da nna shajin ra ai. Mana zawn zawn, ma-a zawn zawn hpa ga mung n chye shaga, hpa bungli mung n chye, hkam kaja lam mung n nga, tsa chyu lu, malut hkayawm chyu lu, kun-ya chyu sha, gumhpraw hpe majoi mi hkawyawm nna nat kau kau rai, kani hte nang hpam lu sha mung n kabai kau lu, lagu sha, masu sha, akyang bai laban, kadai hte mung n chye kanawn n chye hku hkau, pyaw daw kadaw sharawng rai yanag gaw maigan de sa tim manang ni hpe myit ru shangun, ruyak jamjau jahkrum lit shali na rai nga ai majaw, apyaw sha tinang a dai daw dai hpang buga sin nga ai mahtang grau kaja na rai nga ai.
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Hkaw Hkam Lu Ai Amyu

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By: PangLai Hkrudu (2009)

Mungkan ntsa e hkawhkam lu ai mungdan ni hpe Kingdom ngu shamying ma ai. Ga shadawn Kingdom of Thailand, Kingdom of Cambodia, Kingdom of Sweden, Kingdom of Nepal (ya n'nga mat sai), United Kingdom etc. rai nga ai. Hkawhkam lu ai amyu ni nga ai hte maren hkawhkam n lu ai amyu ni mung nga nga ai. Nkau mungdan ni gaw maigan mungdan na amyu masha ni sa gasat dang la kau ai majaw hkawhkam shamat kau ma ai. Anhte Jinghpaw Wunpawng sha ni hta moi hkawhkam lu yu sai kun? n lu yu ai kun? hkrak n chye lu ga ai. Rai tim, Gumchying Gumsa du ni up hkang ai duwa prat ngu ai nga lai wa sai. Masha nkau mi gaw Jinghpaw Wunpawng sha ni hpe hkawhkam n lu ai amyu ni ngu nna yu kaji let kabye chye ma ai. Jinghpaw Wunpawng amyu masha hta na mung nkau mi gaw tinang amyu hpe yu kaji nna masha ni e Kachin ngu mu chye kau na pyi hkrit tsang ai majaw maigan amyu masha ni a lapran e du ai shaloi Roma du yang Roma ni zawn nga, bu hkawt kaw buhkawt, bu ren kaw bu ren nga nna gayau gaya makoi rawng mat chye ma ai. Ndai zawn re ai masha ni tinang a amyu masha ni a matu gade daram woi awn lu na ma ai kun?

Kabu hpa shiga gaw ndai Hkrismat shata hta mungkan masha ni a matu si hkam nna hkye la na shangai chyinghkai wa sai Madu Yesu hpe hkap la kam sham ai masha ni yawng Karai Kasang a kasha ni tai lu ai ahkang lu la ai lam rai nga ai. Chyum laika hta Karai Kasang gaw nga yawng nga pra hpe hpan tawn da ai nna up hkang nga ai hkawhkam rai nga ai lam tsun da ai. Madu Yesu hpe hkawhkam rai , n rai Pilat san ai shaloi, Madu Yesu gaw hkawhkam re ai lam htai sai(Yawhan 18:37). Hpang jahtum Madu Yesu gaw hkawhkam ni a Hkawhkam, madu ni a Madu tai na lam tsun da ai(Shingran 19:16). Dai majaw Madu Yesu hpe hkap la kam sham ai Jinghpaw Wunpawng sha ni gaw hkawhkam ni a Hkawhkam Madu Yesu a amyu tai wa sai. Dingla ugut gu nna n-gun lagaw yawm wa n chye ai, si mat n chye ai, maigan amyu masha ni e rim la nna daru magam aya n kashun la kau ya lu ai htani htana a hkrung nga ai Hkawhkam Karai Kasang a kasha ni tai lu sai. Myi man kaji na lam naw nga a ni? "Nanhte chyawm gaw, nsin kata de nna shi a mauhpa nhtoi de nanhte hpe shaga bang wa ai wa a dan hkung ai magam hpe shabrawg dat ya myit ga, lata la ai amyu, hkawhkam hkinjawng ni,chyoi pra ai amyu baw hte, Karai Kasang a lahku ang ai masha ni rai nga myit dai. Nanhte mung shawng e amyu rai nga myit dai n rai; ya chyawm gaw Karai Kasang a amyu rai wa manit dai; shawng e chyeju hkam la manit dai n rai, ya chyawm gaw , chyeju hkam la manit dai,"(I Petru 2:9-10).

Hkawhkam a shayi shadang sha ni hte hkawhkam a dinghku masha ni (Royal Family) tsun shaga ai ga gaw yu maya masha darat daroi ni tsun shaga ai ga hte shai nga ma ai. Ga shadawn: Myen hkawhkam ni gaw kawa hpe Aba shing n rai Ahpe n ngu ai sha hkami daw, kanu hpe mung ame, shing n rai me me n ngu ai sha, me daw, kahpu hpe ako shing n rai ko ko n ngu ai sha naung daw, kanau hpe mung nyi le n ngu ai sha nyi daw, kajan hpe mung nyima n ngu ai sha hnama daw, ngu nna shamying shaga ai lam mu lu ga ai. Hkawhkam wa shat sha ai hpe mung htamin tsa de n ngu ai sha tsa daw hkaw de ngu tsun ma ai. Hkawhkam wa yup ai hpe mung eik de n ngu ai sha tset daw hkaw de ngu shag ma ai. Hkawhkam wa si ai hpe the de n ngu ai sha, nat ywa tsan de ngu ma ai.Dai hte maren shanhte a shamu shamawt ai sat lawat ni mung yu maya mung masha ni a shamau shamawt ai sat lawat hte shai nga ma ai. Hkawhkam wa hte hkawhk a dinghku masha ni bu hpun sumraw ai bu hpun palawng ni mung yu maya mung masha ni bu hpun ai labu palawng hte shai nga ma ai. Dai hte maren hkawhkam ni a Hkawhkam Madu Yesu hpe lu la sai Jinghpaw Wunpawng sha ni mung Hkristan ni a tsun shaga, shamu shamawt ai sat lawat arawn alai ni hpe shani shagu na asak hkrung lam hta dan dawng shangu n ra nga ai. Jinghpaw ga sha rai tim wenyi hte seng ai Hkristan Jinghpaw ga rai ra nga ai. Shani shagu sha ai lu sha mung Hkristan makam masham hte nhtan n shai ai lusha hpe sha ra na rai nga ai. Bu hpun ai sumpan maren sha rai tim chywi hpun ai design gaw Hkristan makam masham hte bung pre ai design maka rai ra na rai nga ai. Dai hku n re ai sha, bu hkawt kaw bu hkawt, bu ren hta bu ren ngu nna n kam n sham ai amyu masha ni hte maren lu sha, bu hpun, tsun shaga, shamu shamawt yang hkawhkam n lu ai amyu zawn mu mada ai hkrum na rai nga ai. Dai zawn mu mada hkrum yang Madu Yesu a sakse kaja ntai lu nga ai. Kade a mara ngu na kun?
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Confiscation and Compensation in Kachin State: What can powerless farmer do?

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By: Mangshang (9th August 2009), Kachin State, Myanmar.


A lion tirelessly chases and catches a prey. But before it can taste the fruits of its arduous labor, a flock of hyenas robs it and all it can do is helplessly look at the perpetrators. Such is a common example we often see on television programs aired on Animal Planet.

Just like the poor lion, Mr. Lahpai Gam (a pseudonym) has had to abandon his well-tended farm after the National Defense Army-Kachin (NDAK) confiscated his land. 

On his nearly five acre farm, Mr. Lahpai Gam has already grown numerous crops such as rubber plants, walnut trees, hardwood trees bearing a pungent smelling edible fruits (locally known as Tanyin Tee) and pineapples. He has already invested a lot of money, four years of time, passion and effort in the farm. 

Since 2004, farmers have engaged in slash-and-burn cultivation to sustain long-term gardening in the area. They knew that the new road which is part of the Ledo Road (also known as General Stilwell Road which was used during WWII) will pass along the Sadung river. This gave them incentive as they dreamed of easy transportation. The road will be a major commercial route connecting India and China in the future. It was already completed in 2007. 

As usual, farmers do not have land ownership permits (Land Grant) because they do not know whether it is wise to apply for land owner permits from the government. In fact, no one applies for land ownership permits in Sadung Township areas. Since they did not apply for land ownership permit, the areas are essentially free land before the government. 

NDAK later also came to start large scale farming covering hundreds of acres in the areas. They applied for land ownership permits from the government and as a result local farmers’ lands have now fallen under the control of the NDAK and their newly acquired land permits.
NDAK then confiscated land from local farmers and gave them a measly 50,000 Kyat each (approximately US$50) as compensation. There are about fourteen farmers so far whose land has been confiscated. 

Since losing their land in 2008 to the NDAK, farmers are now opening up new lands for farming nearby. Everyday they can see the plants they cultivated before having their land confiscated and feel deeply saddened for losing them. 

When asked why the farmers were compensated so little, an NDAK official in Sadung Pa town who has knowledge of the story (he asked to remain anonymous) dared not comment on the subject.

The NDAK signed a ceasefire agreement with the Burmese military government in 1989. It attended the government-orchestrated National Convention which drafted the constitution that was ratified in the 2008 referendum. Recently, under government pressure, the NDAK has also agreed to transform itself into a border security force. 

When asked why he did not complain to the officials, Mr. Lahpai Gam said that he is afraid of being recognized and subsequently targeted. 

Sadung area is under the control of three officials – the military government, NDAK and Kachin Independence Organization (KIO). Sadung area became a new township in 2008.
As a result, there are now more government offices such as immigration, labor department office, telecommunication and fire station, in addition to a police station and military base. According to sources, these offices were built on private land and compensation for confiscated land was far from satisfactory. 

A local resident complained that none of the three authorities are fulfilling the needs of the people who now have to serve three masters.
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Panglong Agreement not forgotten

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By Zung Ring, 5th February 2010.

The spirit of Panglong Agreement is the key message of Kachin Independence Organization (KIO) on its 49th Anniversary today (5th Feb). KIO demands the military government to implement Pang Long Agreement which signed 1947.

In the statement by Lanyaw Zawng Hra, KIO Chairman, “We have to re-live the Panglong Agreement for building the genuine Union of Myanmar.”

The statement states that KIO’s bottom line is to have the right of self-determination within genuine federal union of Myanmar. It adds that if the military government genuinely wants to have national solidarity, the promises made in Panglong Agreement must be honored.

The military government has been forcing all the ceasefire groups to transform into border guard force (BGF) but KIO refuses to accept the proposal. Col. James Lum Dau said (on Thursday) it is a tactic of the government to take silent coup by reducing the number of KIA troops.

KIO has been under huge pressure from the military government to accept the government proposal – BGF. In this year’s Manau festival on 10th January, Kachin State Day, KIO was not allowed to wear uniform.

KIO was founded on February 5, 1961, by three brothers: Zau Seng, Zau Tu and Zau Dan after then U Nu government declared Buddhism as the state religion. Since its establishment, Kachin Independence Army (KIA) the arm wing of KIO has fought effectively against the government forces in Kachin State throughout in 1960s until the present ceasefire was signed in 1994.

The original aim of fighting for complete independence was changed in 1976 to remain in genuine federal union of Myanmar.

Since its establishment, leaderships have changed – Lahtaw Zau Seng, Maran Brang Seng, Mali Zup Zau Mai, Lamung Tu Jai, and Lanyaw Zawng Hra. However, it has not achieved much. But Col. James Lum Dau said if KIO did not take arm struggle, the situation of Kachin people would be worse today.

A village elder said, “the Burmese government does not dare to do whatever they wish to Kachin people because of KIA”.

KIO signed ceasefire agreement with the military government on February 24, 1994 to solve the political problems in peaceful means. KIO have had numerous meetings with the military government for political talk but failed to bring any political breakthrough.

The disappointments among Kachin community is widespread because the ceasefire not only failed to bring any desirable political result but lost controls over lands especially lucrative areas such as Phakant (jade is mined), Hu Gawng region (where timber, gold is rich).

Col. James Lum Dau said that some of the benefits of ceasefire are – children have more access to education and scattered family members are reunited.

How long the ceasefire will last?

This answer perhaps mainly depends on what the military government will do next if its BGF proposal to ceasefire groups completely failed.

Among the ceasefire groups such as KIO and UWSA already rejected the BGF proposal. From November 2009, KIA has been giving basic military training to civilians as village defense forces (VDF). According to a KIO official, it is a central policy of KIO to give the training.

According to a civilian who receives such training, the trainees can go back their villages. The training is mostly voluntary basis.
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Trickster Mangbya and Grandma

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By Zung Ring,

Long long time ago, there was a man known as Mangbya in a village. He was famous for being a trickster. Despite he was eloquent liar; the story did not mention that he cheated people for material or monetary profit but rather entertainment or fun. He spent most of his time fooling around for fun. Everyone knew that Mangbya was a liar but they all got fooled every time they met him.

One morning, a grandma returned from garden carrying vegetables with bamboo woven basket on her head. She met Mangbya in the middle of the village. “Mangbya, people said that you trick people all the time. Don’t trick me, I am carrying heavy basket.” suddenly said Grandma. “Right now, I have no time to fool people. I am so busy with watching fighting between sun and moon”, Mangbya replied. “Where is it?” grandma inquired. As soon as she raised her head to look up to sky, her basket fell off from her head and vegetables scattered on the street. So, Mangbya helped her collect scattered vegetables and put the basket on her head. Grandma headed home.

Quite a long time after the incident with grandma, Mangbya met a man. At that time, Mangbya was carrying a heavy food for firewood. The man said to Mangbya, “people claimed that you can fool people a lot. Why don’t you fool me as well?” “I forgot my secret fooling box at home. So I don’t have capacity to fool you at the moment. If you want me to be able to fool you, help me carry this wood so that I can go and get my secret box. Then, I’d fool you.” The man agreed. So Mangbya went home straight.

The man was waiting with the heavy wood on his shoulder. There was no sign of Mangbya’s return. The man began to wonder what have happened to Mangbya. After very long time, the man decided to follow Mangbya’s home to find out what have happened to him. When he arrived, Mangbya was sipping tea with great relax. The man got very angry but when he thought it over, he realized that he was fooled by Mangbya.
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An Orphan Child and Arrogant Brothers

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By Zung Ring,
Once upon a time, in a village, there were egotistical brothers. They respected no one. They were afraid of no one. They were ashamed of no one. Basically they didn’t care anyone.
There was also a pitiful orphan in the village. He grew up under the care of his grandfather. They were so poor. They lived in a small tent outskirt of the village. The poor child faced the arrogant brothers’ bully on daily basis. 

One day, the villagers were to clear bushes along roads. Collective labors were required. But on that day, the orphan could not go. So, he gave a pork leg for lunch to villagers who came to provide their labors for his absence. However, the brothers threw the pork leg to sidewalk instead of making it lunch. In the evening, the poor child became the subject of ridicule to the brothers and returned the pork leg saying that the pork leg didn’t do anything just sitting on sidewalk the whole day. The pork was now dirty with dirt and the poor child was in the state of embarrassment and intimidation from the superior brothers and hesitated whether to take the pork back or not.

Not long after that, the brothers invited the orphan to a trip for trapping birds. The poor child agreed to join. When they arrived in forest, they spotted a big banyan tree with full of fruits which draw all kinds of birds and herbivores. The brothers immediately monopolized the whole tree. They laid their traps on all of the branches giving no opportunity to the poor child. The lonely child was left with no good option so he just disappointedly laid his traps beneath the tree. 

On the next morning, the brothers got up early and returned to forest to check their traps before the orphan did. As they approached to the site, a deer was caught in the orphan’s trap that greatly disturbed the brothers. In their traps however, only a hornbill was caught. They now decided to switch the preys out of jealousy before the poor child arrive. When the poor child arrived, he was very shocked by very unusual scene - a deer was hung in the air while a hornbill was caught in his trap on the ground. 

The poor child knew that the brothers have exchanged the preys and felt being bullied. He demanded to give him the deer back. The arrogant brothers laughed at him saying “don’t you see that the deer was caught in our trap? It is ours. We can’t give it to you.” The lonely child argued with them but he was overwhelmed by the brothers. Finally, the poor child proposed to bring their case to the village council and to let the council decide. The brothers were delighted by the proposal because they believed that the council would decide in their favor for they know all of elders. All the village elders have received gifts from the brothers at least once. 

For the judging day in the council, there was no shortage of supporters for the brothers since they were powerful and wealthy. On the other hand, it was already challenging enough for the unfortunate orphan to find even a supporter. But he eventually managed to find a very old man in the outskirt of the village who seemed willing to support the child. No one noticed his existence in the village because he was also poor and a man of few words but was wise. The boy told him the whole story and requested him to support him in the council on ruling day. The wise man agreed. 

The day had come. Now, the proud brothers and their supporters were waiting for the poor boy in the village council. As expected the council was filled with the brothers’ supporters. Everyone was trying to mock the deprived boy. Time was running late yet the boy has not arrived. Some of the elders began to get angry and proposed to declare the brothers winners in the absence of the poor boy. However, the brothers insisted to wait for the boy because they wanted to humiliate him in front of the whole villagers in the council. 

At the same time, the unfortunate boy went to the old wise man’s home and was waiting for him the whole morning. The wise man did not say anything whether he changed his mind or not. The little boy was timid and dared not to push him or told it’s getting late. So, he chose to wait for the wise man until he’s ready. About at noon time, the wise man said to the boy, “Now let’s go”. The boy was of course delighted for he was worried the whole morning. The wise man deliberately chose to be late for the council for his strategic purpose.
As the wise man and poor boy were arriving to the council, they were ridiculed by the brothers’ supporters. Inside the council, the elders (councilors) also condemned the twos for being late. As the meeting proceeded, one of the elders provocatively asked the old man, “You are old but you seemed don’t know our tradition that we solved such kind of case in the morning? Why you came so late?” The old man replied wisely as the following.
“Honorable councilors, I am sorry for being late. Please receive my sincere apology. I know that we have a unique custom of judging cases like this one in the morning. I have no intention to ruin our beautiful tradition. However, I was late for good reason. On my way the council, I have crossed a river. As I was crossing, I saw wild fire on sand bank. Thus, I collected water with my bamboo basket to extinguish the fire. That’s why I was late.”

The old man was immediately booed. The councilors ridiculed him by saying how foolish is it for you to say that there was wild fire on sand bank and collect water with bamboo basket to extinguish the fire. The old man paused and gently replied. 

“Honorable councilors, yes you are absolutely right about that. It is foolish to believe that there is wild fire on sand bank and collect water with bamboo basket to extinguish fire. Don’t you also think that it is foolish to believe that deer which has no wings was caught in the trap which was laid up in the air? And hornbill which doesn’t live on the ground was actually caught in the trap laid on the ground?” 

The whole council was dead silence. After the brief silence, an audience from a corner broke the silence with claps. The silence was soon replaced with tumultuous standing ovation. The councilors and brothers now blushed at their own arrogance, ignorance and stupidity. 

Without further arguments, the council delivered its just verdict that the poor orphan was the winner and deer was also returned. 

The dishonest brothers left the council with great disappointment and embarrassment while the poor boy left with victorious joy. 

Moral Lesson: Justice prevails.
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Affirmative Actions in Dilema

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Summary Outline

This paper is divided into three main parts to address the given question. Part (1) will define Affirmative Action (AA) in historical context so that to enable us understand better why AA becomes necessary in social policies such as education and employment. Part (2) is to attempt presenting some reasons why AA can never be sufficient enough to compensate the loss of the victims of past discrimination and thus, should not be seen as compensation but rather as recognition of the past misconduct. In part (3), it is explained why implementation of AA does not violate the principle of equality. Part (4) provides few examples of AA in practice provides in some countries. Finally, part (5) concludes with a brief summary of the paper.

Part One: Definition of Affirmative Action in Historical Context

In human history, perhaps, there are more dark sides than bright ones as far as racial/gender/sex matter is concerned. For example, white people traded black people as slaves; women were treated as second class citizen, social caste system in India where people from low caste were discriminated for generations. As result, black people were dominated by white people both politically and economically for generations; women were unable to vote and access to higher education; low castes were denied for higher education. These inequalities become the source of political and social tension/conflict.

In realizing the conflicts, a new social policy called Affirmative Action (AA) was introduced in USA in the 1960s. Stanford Encyclopaedia defines ‘AA’ as “positive steps taken to increase the representation of women and minorities in areas of employment, education, and business from which they have been historically excluded. When those steps involve preferential selection - selection on the basis of race, gender, or ethnicity.”

In short, ‘AA’ can perhaps, be viewed as a social policy to offer preferential treatment to the victims of the past discrimination or disadvantaged groups with a hope of enabling them to compete with the mainstream fairly and building more equitable society.

The AA however, has never been free of controversy. Politicians, scholars, social activists have been arguing back and forth about the subject but the debate is far from over. In fact, it seems that debate over AA issue intensifies in recent years. In April 2003, The University of Michigan and The University of California were brought to The US Supreme Court by a few white students accusing the universities of being racially biased when they were rejected for admission. Their case was not only supported by many white republican congressmen but also the president, George W. Bush. However, the court allows the universities to consider racial factor for admission. The officials of the universities said that preferential treatment is the only effective measure to bring multi-ethnic students into the campus.


Part Two: Can Affirmative Action Compensate the Loss of the Victims of the Past Discrimination?


A short answer to this question is ‘No’ because the losses are so great and beyond measure that no AA is significant enough to compensate those losses. If look back history, it will be clearer.

People were sold as slaves, served as slaves for generations without any benefit, died in vain, lost their human dignity, people being treated very badly (attended in segregated school with limited and poor quality resources) and were exploited every possible ways. Women and minorities were treated as second class citizen, their basic human rights were violated and voices were silenced for generations.

For example, South Africa was ruled by minority white people until 1994. Despite they were (still is) being minority, they have total domination in all sectors from education to economy since they were the rulers. White children were able to access to best education of the country from segregated schools (White only schools) and took up all the important professions. On the other hand, black children were prevented from getting quality education and obviously they cannot compete with the whites. Consequently, they were and are still in disadvantaged position due to the past discriminatory policies.

In 2004, I was able to join in a regional conference on human rights in Asia held in Chiangmai, Thailand. I still remember an Indian conference panelist describing a typical story of caste system in Indian society. She said that if you were born to a low caste (also known as untouchable caste) family, it is extremely difficult to access to higher education and find a decent job regardless of your qualification. She added, if you were also happened to be a woman born to such low caste, it is virtually impossible to get education especially with limited resources.

The point is, there is abundance of examples how people were discriminated and exploited. The lists can go on endlessly. The losses are beyond measure. Therefore, it is very inappropriate to look at AA as compensation because no AA can and will ever be sufficient enough to be able to compensate those losses of the victims of past discriminations and ill-treatments.


Part Three: Does ‘AA’ Violate Principle of Equality?


As presented earlier, the issue of ‘AA’ is controversial. It is hard to find an outright answer to argue that ‘AA’ does or does not violate the principle of equality. Critics argue that AA is reversal discriminatory policy and violates the equality principle. On the other hand, supporters of AA argue that principle of equality is not violated in implementing AA and even if there is violation of principle of equality involved, it is fair and good for the whole society for the future. Thus, it would be fair to look at some arguments both for and against the ‘AA’.

Arguments against Affirmative Action

One of the most common arguments against the ‘AA’ is that ‘AA’ creates reverse discrimination against one particular group (e.g., former discriminators or of their new generation). The argument is something like ‘why should I be now punished for the crime I did not commit?’

Jain, Sloane & Horwitz (2003, p-17) also mention a series of some negative impacts of AA (a) it is difficult for civil services to maintain image as impartial and politically neutral because political decisions are constantly made base on ethnic consideration rather objective criteria, (b) AA can perpetuate and even strengthen ethnic division, (c) AA also tends to create conflicts within the preferential groups themselves because only small section of people can benefit from the AA programme, (d) it is argued that once AA is introduced, it becomes permanently rooted in the political system serving the interests of small group.

Dani and Haan (2008, p-233) point out negative impacts of AA – it is inefficient, only “creamy layer” of the few benefit from the AA, largely remain unbenefit. AA also reaffirms the individual identity as deprived or minority (people may suffer labelling effect).

Arguments for Affirmative Action

Supporters argue that it is fair to give preferential treatment to marginalized groups because they have historically been discriminated. For example, white people today in general are better off than black people because they have been historically able to enjoy institutional supports – able to go to best colleges/universities and get high value professions. They continue to be in dominating position. If the two groups are to compete openly, marginalized people will surely be left behind because of the unequal starting point. AA is to make the starting point equal/fair.

Without AA, disadvantaged/marginalized/minority people continue to remain in disadvantaged positions. Social division or class and income gap will be widened which can result social instability. Thus, implementation of AA is the best interest of all members of society.

US President Bill Clinton is among the strong supporters of AA. He asserts that the job of ending discrimination remains unfinished; strongly defends AA. "Mend it, but don't end it," he says.

Dani and Haan (2008, p-233) conclude that the effect and impact of AA is so great – people many people from deprived group accessed to education and find decent job improve their social status and boost self-confidence.

Part Four: Affirmative Actions in Practice

Nowadays, Affirmative Action (AA) is not only used as recognition of the past discriminatory policy but also as to reduce extreme poverty by providing education and employment opportunity as well as to create social harmony in society in order to reflect cultural and social diversity. In another word, it is used to give equal opportunity to formerly marginalized groups in order to enable them compete with the mainstream. Scholars describe this as nation building or state formation policy – intends to include all members of society into the mainstream. AA may be controversial but many governments are adopting it. The followings are some of the real examples.

Northern Ireland: Schapper and Burns (2007, p-369) Northern Ireland was torn apart for decades by the civil war between Protestants and Catholics. British Prime Minister, Tony Blair orchestrated peaceful settlement programme between the two communities. In order to maintain the fragile peace, it is imperative to draw Catholic candidates into the (Protestants dominated) police force and other civil services. It enables Catholics to find jobs much easier.

South Korea: On 30th October 2008, BBC reported that a South Korean law which states that only the visually impaired can be licensed masseurs has been upheld in the country's Constitutional Court. The Court’s reason is that "Massage is in effect the only occupation available for the visually handicapped and there is little alternative to guarantee earnings for those persons." Such kind of state intervention/ preferential treatment should be welcome because it recognizes the needs of visually impaired and gives them a sense of hope and shows that they are still part of the society. In addition, the law gives blind people a chance to make their living, without such law, they would have extremely hard time to find job in other business fields.

India: Indian constitution guaranteed equal opportunity. Dani and Haan (2008, p-230) “The State shall promote with special care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation” (Directive Principle of State Policy, article 46).

However, people from untouchable class (low caste) were left behind for generations. In 1990, the government launched ambitious reform – preserving and reserving places in government jobs and state fund colleges and universities.

Currently, 22.5% of the seats in state-funded educational institutions are reserved. With an additional 27% of seats set aside, the total caste-based educational quota will be raised to 49.5%.

Currently, 27% of government jobs are reserved. Prime Minster Manmohan Singh has now suggested that companies too should take up this action plan and extend the percentage .

Nethralpal Singh, 29, is one of the millions who has benefited from the reform. He is from low caste group and has accessed to higher education through AA, and is now a lecturer in Dheli University (one of the top universities in the country). He says “people from socially disadvantaged sections are very often also financially disadvantaged. The quota system is the only way they can break free” .

Part Five: Conclusion

Affirmative Action is viewed as one of the most effective social policies in building more equitable society. Many people have accessed to higher education, enable them to have decent jobs and boost self-confidence. AA may not a perfect policy but it is widely reported it has brought millions of people out of the extreme poverty.

However, it is still divided among the supporters and critics of AA. The two groups cannot agree whether affirmative action make things better or worse. One thing is certain - the debate rages on.

References:

Anis A. Dani and Arjan de Haan (editors), “Inclusive States: Social Policy and Structural Inequalities”, The World Bank, 2008.

Ashwini Deshpande, “EQUITY & DEVELOPMENT: Affirmative Action in India and the United States”, World Development Report 2006. (Paper available at:
http://siteresources.worldbank.org/INTRANETSOCIALDEVELOPMENT/Resources/Affirmative_Action_India_Ashwini.pdf)

Harish C. Jain, Peter J. Sloane, and Frank M. Horwitz, “Employment Equity and Affirmative Action: An International Comparison”, M.E.Sharpe, USA, 2003.

Jan Schapper and Prue Burns, “The Ethical Case for Affirmative Action”, Journal of Business Ethics (2008), Springer 2007.

Nic Paton, “Accentuate the Positive”, Personnel Today, 4 November 2008.
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Carl Froch and George Groves Scheduled Fight in May

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Carl Froch and George Groves are reported to be fighting inside Wembley Stadium on 31 May according to BBC Sport news. This will be the second time they fight. The fought in November 2013 which resulted controversial victory for Carl Froch. The scheduled match is reported to be demanded by George Groves.


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Towards a better union in Myanmar

0 comments Friday, March 7, 2014

By: Matthew J Walton:

The 67th anniversary of Union Day has come and gone, marking the 1947 Panglong Conference that brought together Burman, Shan, Kachin, and Chin political leaders and formed the basis for an independent Burma. The "Spirit of Panglong" - its meanings, failures, and promises - haunts the country's current peace talks, which, despite seeming progress in recent weeks with a common position from the ethnic armed groups' negotiating team, could remain stalled if the military refuses to accept a ceasefire agreement that also contains detailed language and timeframes for future political discussions.
 
At a time like this, with many people calling for a "Second Panglong," it is useful to look back at the history of the Panglong Conference to examine its dynamics and effects, in order to draw lessons for nation-building in contemporary Myanmar. This article briefly considers 10 lessons from Panglong and their significance for the current peace process, as well as two broader lessons drawn from post-conflict peace-building around the world in the hope of fostering more critical dialogue about Panglong, what it was, what it wasn't, and how it is relevant today.

1. Get it in writing
The Panglong Agreement included the promise that "full autonomy is agreed to in principle." This was a rather vague clause that wasn't actually included in the 1947 constitution implemented after achieving independence from colonial rule under the British. Many non-Burman leaders who attended the conference trusted independence hero General Aung San and hoped that he would honor the informal promises he made to them, such as "If Burma gets one kyat, you will get one kyat."

Unfortunately his assassination in 1947 meant that he never had a chance to do this. Although this wasn't always the case, contemporary political groups seem to have gradually learned this lesson and even the least fruitful ceasefire negotiations these days seem to end with some sort of written agreement, if only an understanding to continue meeting. These written documents will be absolutely necessary to hold parties accountable in the future, both domestically and internationally.

2. Implementation matters
Written agreements are important, but there must also be agreement on how they will be implemented, especially as the legal status of an agreement might not always be clearly enforceable. The 1947 constitution wasn't exactly a federal constitution, but it wasn't necessarily inconsistent with a federal structure. The constitution was implemented in a unitary way, which betrayed the expectations of non-Burman groups. It's also important to note that there have been a number of written ceasefire agreements signed by the Myanmar government and military over the years, many of which have been broken. A written agreement is necessary, but of course not sufficient to ensure that both parties will follow through.

For current political discussions, it will be important to be clear about who will be responsible for implementation. What types of oversight will there be after an agreement and who will enforce it? Additionally, while the wording of any document is important, it will also be necessary to consider whether or not the parties have similar understandings of the intent of the agreements. Assumptions about these key questions resulted in disappointment with the way the Panglong Agreement was incorporated into the 1947 constitution and the way that constitution was implemented.

Additionally, participants will need to consider enforcement mechanisms. If the Tatmadaw or an ethnic armed group violates the terms of a ceasefire, what will the penalty be? Will it be enough to ensure compliance? At a time when Western governments have been dropping or suspending sanctions left and right and encouraging massive aid and investment, it might be prudent to consider explicitly tying some of those benefits to a ceasefire in order to encourage all parties to honor their agreements.

3. Trust is critical …
There was actually another multi-ethnic gathering that took place at Panglong several months before the more famous Panglong Conference. This was an important opportunity used by non-Burman leaders to build trust among themselves. General Aung San had also been traveling around the country in the year leading up to the conference and many non-Burman accounts also reflect a growing trust in his willingness to listen to and consider non-Burman concerns.

A contemporary political settlement would need to acknowledge the difficult truth that this kind of trust does not exist in Myanmar today. After decades of civil conflict, most non-Burman groups do not trust the government or the military, with good reason. Additionally, military divide-and-conquer tactics as well as the failures of various attempted united fronts have eroded trust between many non-Burman groups, making negotiations more complicated. While recognizing the advantages in bargaining collectively, non-Burman groups should not give in to the temptation to suppress dissenting viewpoints within their own ranks in order to present a united front; similarly, neither the government nor the international community should expect or demand a single, unitary "ethnic minority" perspective.

4. …but don't rely on individuals
Many of the non-Burman leaders gradually came to trust General Aung San and, whatever his actual intentions were, when he was assassinated the country was left without a mediating figure. Much of the mainstream media coverage surrounding the current peace talks suggests that many non-Burman leaders have a growing respect for President's Office Minister U Aung Min and trust that he will be a fair negotiator; U Aung Min has also stated this himself. Yet there are several reasons to be concerned with this assumption.

First, there are enough conflicting reports about attitudes towards U Aung Min to suggest that claims that he enjoys the complete trust of the non-Burman groups are overstated. Second, when it comes to a ceasefire (and a possible future political settlement), even though U Aung Min has been appointed as chief negotiator, the military will still likely make any final decisions. Finally, it cannot be known what any individual's true intentions are, what will happen in the next few years, or what U Aung Min's role will be in a future government. All of this makes it very dangerous to rely on an individual in this sort of situation. The best assurance is to design representative, inclusive, and adaptable institutional frameworks that are not reliant on particular charismatic individuals.

5. Language matters
As Chin scholar Lian Sakhong has explained, the Chin delegation was at a disadvantage during the Panglong Conference because they did not have a translator who was familiar with their particular dialect. The British administrator who they were expecting to act as translator was recalled several weeks earlier (there is some debate as to whether he resigned or was fired). Additionally, even though the Shan and Kachin delegates were more familiar with the Burmese language, they were not very well versed in more advanced concepts in constitutional law or the kinds of political settlements that might result in the autonomy they hoped for.

Although political awareness and knowledge has definitely increased among non-Burman communities in the decades since independence, any future negotiations should take into consideration the fact that most non-Burmans will be participating in negotiations using a language that is often not their mother tongue. This is not meant to be a demeaning comment on their abilities to speak Burmese, but simply a reminder that native language status can confer a more powerful bargaining position in negotiations like this; a critical element of negotiations will be the opportunity for non-Burman delegations to evaluate and fine tune the language of any agreements.

More importantly, national political discourse in Myanmar has not only taken place using the Burmese language, but also using predominantly Burman conceptions of politics. If discussions about the future political structure of Myanmar were to take into account, for example, the ways in which Karen and Burman conceptions of "justice" differ from one another or the ways in which Kachin notions of community, family ties and mutual obligations are different from Burman understandings, it could have several positive effects.

First, it would help facilitate agreement on the intent of specific agreements (as mentioned above) by navigating through these different conceptual frameworks. Second, it could provide creative new avenues for political discussion, as non-Burman ideas and practices of politics would become a part of the national dialogue. And, finally, it would contribute to a feeling of inclusion in the state, where non-Burmans might see insights from their own political and social traditions valued as part of a broader national discourse.

6. Inclusion matters
Although Myanmar school textbooks portray Panglong as the moment when all of the country's ethnic groups came together to declare their intentions to join together in a union, the signatories to the agreement were only a few Burman, Shan, Kachin, and Chin leaders. The British required General Aung San to get agreement from the "Frontier Areas," the administrative region of the country that comprised the border areas. While this area was occupied by more than just the Shan, Kachin, and Chin, other groups were excluded for a number of reasons, many of which have been explained by historians and analysts. Beyond the groups that were specifically excluded, many marginalized populations within the Burmans, Shan, Kachin, and Chin were not a part of the discussions.

The question of inclusion will be critical for future political discussions. Who will be included? Who will have the authority to decide who is included? Inter-personal rivalries have often inhibited pan-ethnic solidarity and they have also had an influence on who has been included in recent peace talks and political discussions. How can we determine if certain groups are representative of the populations they claim to represent? Women's groups, for example, have conducted important research and advocacy campaigns in conflict zones, in addition to providing basic services for people in need. However, they have more often than not been excluded from the current peace talks and from most political negotiations between the Burman-led government and non-Burman groups; exclusion like this is absolutely unacceptable given the critical and constructive role of women in building peace in Myanmar and helping to create a more just society.

The initial Panglong Conference sought to bring together different ethnic groups and the assumption is that a future political settlement would also be along ethnic lines. This, however, will not be sufficient in dealing with the wide range of identities and identity conflicts that exist in present day Myanmar. Although it would certainly make the discussions more challenging and complex, the conversation needs to include marginalized populations beyond ethnic groups. These include religious minorities, sexual minorities, and under-represented socio-economic interests, just to name a few.

Additionally, are there Burman groups and perspectives that ought to be included beyond the government, the military, and maybe a few of the prominent democratic opposition groups? What about other identities that are not easily captured by the "ethnic" framework, such as Sino-Myanmar, Burmese of Indian descent, or the Rohingya? While some Burmese may find this suggestion unreasonable, Myanmar's recent history of political exclusion has gone well beyond ethnic identity and a national effort that will contribute to peace and reconciliation must consider the dynamics of marginalization beyond ethnicity.

7. Power dynamics matter
The general political climate at the time of the Panglong Conference was one in which it was clear that the British wished to negotiate a transition to independence as quickly as possible while minimally honoring obligations to their non-Burman allies. This meant that they were willing to work primarily with General Aung San, which gave him a much stronger bargaining position at the conference. Even on the non-Burman side, the negotiations at Panglong were complicated by the prominent role played by hereditary leaders such as the Shan saophas (sawbwas) and Kachin duwas, who enjoyed a high degree of traditional legitimacy.

Those concerned with the ways in which power dynamics can silence marginalized voices ought to be asking a number of questions regarding the organization of future political discussions. What will the structure of the meeting(s) be? Where will they take place? What will be the methods of discussion? Will they privilege men or older people, as is common in Myanmar society? Will they privilege those with Western education, fluency in English, or law and politics degrees? In essence, these questions boil down to one: who gets to assess what is and is not a valuable contribution to the discussion process?

While the discussion currently seems to revolve around degrees of political and economic autonomy for non-Burman states, how will minority groups be treated more generally? This refers not only to ethnic minorities in Burman divisions, but also to non-Burman minorities in other states, such as the Shan population living in Kachin State. Attention to power dynamics will also force participants to contend with an uncomfortable question: How much bargaining power do non-Burman groups really have in the current political situation?

While there is undoubtedly pressure on the government and the military to address the "ethnic" issue in Myanmar, international actors are putting equal, if not greater, pressure on non-Burman groups to seize the current opportunity and sign agreements, no matter how unsatisfactory they may be. Many non-Burman leaders at the first Panglong Conference underestimated the degree to which the British were eager to end their colonial involvement in Burma; current leaders cannot make the same mistake and international actors ought to be encouraging a process that pays attention to power inequalities and the demands of justice.

Power dynamics also matter in assessing where real decision-making authority lies. Can U Aung Min and his negotiating team make credible commitments on behalf of the government and the Tatmadaw? Will the military agree to abide by the terms of a ceasefire and what is its promise worth considering they have violated agreements in the past? Persistent fears about the degree to which the military is invested in the process of political negotiation also strengthen the hand of the government side. Government negotiators can present themselves as the "good guys," attempting to blunt potential roadblocks from the military while also pressing non-Burman groups to give in and accept a one-sided "compromise."

8. Take your time
General Aung San understood that the British wanted to wash their hands of the situation in Burma after World War II and took advantage of that fact to push for immediate independence. Not only did this put pressure on the non-Burman groups to acquiesce quickly to an agreement, it also resulted in a rather undemocratic process. For example, given the small window of opportunity to get agreement from the Frontier Areas leaders to join the Union of Burma, Aung San's political party, the AFPFL (Anti-Fascist People's Freedom League), chose to work primarily with the hereditary leaders who enjoyed greater standing in the eyes of the British administration rather than more democratically-inclined allies such as the Shan State People's Freedom League and the Kachin Youth League.

The current situation has many similar elements. While both the Myanmar government and many of the non-Burman political and armed groups have become more democratic over time, there are still many individuals and organizations within these communities that have been pushing for more transparency, inclusiveness, and democratic decision-making. However, with the pressure to get a "quick win" before the 2015 elections, it is likely that a slower, more consultative process will be passed over in favor of a settlement that wins the approval of international observers, but doesn't effectively respond to the concerns non-Burmans have expressed over the years.

Additionally, the growing sentiment in the international community that there is a fast-closing window of opportunity for political negotiation puts greater pressure on non-Burman groups to come to the table, even when the offerings from the government side are less than ideal. This discourse (which is also reinforced by some members of non-Burman groups seeking to push for peace and a quick settlement) paints reluctant groups and individuals as "spoilers" who are inhibiting the chances for peace.

The spoiler discourse is dangerous, especially since the concerns raised by some of those who are now labeled as "spoilers" are the same concerns many non-Burmans have expressed consistently over the past few decades. The risk is that the pressure to come to an agreement in time for the electoral benefits to pay off in 2015 will result in a flawed settlement that legitimizes a hastily negotiated and non-representative agreement. Domestic and international groups who claim to be supporting "democratic development" in Myanmar need to recognize the potentially destructive effects of this pressure and to support instead a more thoughtful, inclusive process.

9. Acknowledge the difficult history
The Panglong Conference took place only a few years after World War II had ended in Burma. This was a war that initially saw mostly Burmans allied with the Japanese fighting against mostly non-Burmans allied with the British. Near the end of the war, the Burmans abruptly switched sides, joining with the British-led Allies to drive the Japanese out of the country. The complexities of this conflict and the lingering hostilities went almost completely unexamined at Panglong.

No one discussed, for example, the atrocities committed by Burman and Karen troops against each other's civilian populations (probably because the Karen weren't a part of the Panglong negotiations, but there were other examples). No one raised the ways in which the pre-war nationalist movement was configured in part against non-Burmans as allies of the oppressive colonial authority, the flare-ups of violence directed at non-Burman and non-Buddhist populations in the 1930s, or the ways in which the British had used non-Burman troops to quell Burman rebellions. Panglong didn't address the underlying tensions between the groups that were about to form an independent nation, and as a result there was no basis for sticking together once those tensions and grievances resurfaced.

Political discussions in the current period not only need to acknowledge the complex pre-independence history of opposition and mistrust, they also have to honestly engage with the subsequent decades of civil conflict and oppression experienced by the vast majority of Myanmar's population. The trust-building that will be necessary to facilitate stability and growth cannot occur without recognition of this history. The most challenging element of this acknowledgement will be on the side of the Tatmadaw. Present and past military leaders are justifiably terrified of the possibility of one day being tried for war crimes or crimes against humanity (and it's likely that some leaders of non-state armed groups might fall into this category as well) and there is a range of opinions inside and outside of Myanmar as to what justice might look like in this transitional context (tribunals, truth commissions, public apologies, etc.).

The frank truth of the matter is that the Tatmadaw holds most of the cards; the military will likely resist any efforts at uncovering past or present abuses and the international community has so far shown no inclination towards concerted action that would bring this about. Perhaps the best place to begin is through all sides honestly engaging with a harsh and brutal history of exclusion and violence. Could the military be appealed to on the grounds of its own supposed dedication to the nation?

Its current leaders have been using language that suggests they view their present incarnation as a different institution not to be judged by past actions, but this would definitely not be a sufficient response in a reconciliation process. Would more honest self-reflection on the part of the military (without the threat of punishment) be enough to satisfy its tens of millions of victims? There will likely be conflicting answers to these questions, but a crucial lesson from Panglong is that unacknowledged grievances will not stay hidden forever.

10. Accept that there is no "Union Spirit" or "Panglong Spirit"
This is perhaps the most controversial of the lessons that emerge from Panglong. An examination of the accounts of the conference reveals that the Shan, Kachin, and Chin joined the Union for primarily economic and instrumental reasons. Most of these leaders remained skeptical of the degree to which they would actually be incorporated into the Union as equals (indeed, some were unsure whether they wanted this themselves).

It is even difficult to attribute to the AFPFL leaders the type of "Union Spirit" that is celebrated in Myanmar's textbooks since the British required that they gain the agreement of the Frontier Areas in order to achieve independence. All of this suggests that there was no "Union Spirit" at the time of the Panglong Agreement, and that furthermore the waves of ideological, religious, and ethnic rebellions that occurred in the years following independence provide additional proof that Panglong did not succeed in creating that spirit.

While official versions of the history honor Panglong as an expression of "Union Spirit", it must be acknowledged that the decades of civil conflict in Myanmar that followed independence represent strong evidence of the lack of this spirit in the country. Many groups never felt themselves to be a part of the Burmese nation after independence and have pointed to formal policies of discrimination as well as informal methods of exclusion from full membership in the national community.

Proclamations from the government and the military that insist not only on the foundational presence of "Union Spirit" but also on the duty of every citizen to cherish and safeguard it only further reinforce the view of many non-Burmans that the government does not take their concerns seriously. One way to recognize this fact would be for the government to acknowledge that "Union Spirit" is something that needs to be actively constructed through trust-building over a period of time. Without recognition of the present emptiness of "Union Spirit", political settlements are unlikely to address the deep divides that inhibit national reconciliation.

Beyond Panglong
Soldiers shouldn't lead political negotiations

There are multiple modern examples (the Balkans Spring of 1941 comes to mind) of the negative long term effects of war fighters serving as the sole voices in both peace talks and subsequent political settlements. Their interests are primarily in military matters and beyond that in maintaining economic and political power and in some cases control over territory. Inclusive participatory negotiations are generally not first in the minds of those who have been engaged in prolonged armed conflict. This is not necessarily a criticism as much as an observation of the dynamics of peace talks led by fighters.

In Myanmar there is the further complication that virtually every armed group in the country has been involved in various atrocities, committed against each other in violation of laws of war, but more importantly against civilian populations. This means that every one of the armed groups involved in the peace talks has an incentive to avoid transparent and detailed engagement with questions related to war crimes and abuses committed against civilians.

If their voices are the only ones helping to create a peace settlement, they may very well close off opportunities for addressing critical questions of justice that would be a necessary component of reconciliation, both between and within different ethnic groups. Not only do groups and individuals with grievances against both the Tatmadaw and non-state armed groups need to be involved, these dynamics also highlight the importance of participation by Tatmadaw officers themselves as a way of acknowledging past wrongs and moving towards a common understanding of both national and human security concerns.

"Equality" won't correct years of institutionalized inequality

Decades of centralized control supported by military might has meant that, despite living in resource-rich areas of the country, most non-Burmans have not seen the benefits of economic development. In places where the government or military have not been able to monopolize resource extraction, other strongmen have stepped in to reap the rewards. There may be a strand of logic in the military argument that they have deployed their forces predominantly in non-Burman border states because those have been the regions with active armed rebellions, but whatever the motivation, the result has been persistent militarization and poverty for the populations of those regions. These factors, combined with a lack of educational or economic opportunities have made it more likely that people will remain in a cycle of poverty and marginalization.

Political settlements in these areas will have to acknowledge this fact and provide more than just guarantees of "equality" for non-Burmans in the country. While overt ethnic discrimination may be declining in Myanmar, notwithstanding the recent violent persecution of the ethnic Rohingya, a lasting peace could easily be hindered by an insufficient response to entrenched privilege and institutionalized inequality. To put it simply, populations that have suffered disproportionately over the past decades will need a more active, interventionist state to help level the playing field.

If Myanmar is to have a more inclusive state with something approaching equality of opportunity, it will require policies of affirmative action that explicitly give benefits to historically disadvantaged populations, including, but not limited to, those based on ethnicity. These might include more spending on education both in non-Burman languages and in non-Burman areas more generally, reserved seats in universities and in the civil service, preferential hiring to ensure that development projects actually improve the livelihoods of local populations, or a national government body to assess and provide redress for civil rights violations.

Of course, these policies would also need to be adaptable, in order to respond to changing dynamics of opportunity and inequality. Developing these policies will primarily be the responsibility of the Myanmar government, but the international community can play a role in being sensitive to these dynamics both in the distribution of aid and, more importantly, in investment in the country.

Conclusions
Myanmar's leaders and citizens have many global models to draw on in facilitating national reconciliation, post-conflict transformation, and a gradual move towards federalism and increased regional autonomy. Yet an event like Panglong still retains a pull on the national imagination, as much for what it could represent as for what it actually was. Even though many groups have advocated for a "Second Panglong" that would move toward a political settlement of ethnic conflict, such a "conference" might still fall short of being an effective vehicle for creating harmony and stability in the country, even if it were more inclusive.

Instead of considering a single Second Panglong Conference, Panglong Spirit could be recognized as something that needs to be continually and actively constructed. This would mean envisioning "Panglong" as more of an ongoing, institutionalized process than an event. It could consist of meetings at regular intervals and at various levels. Some of these meetings might be "safe" spaces where groups could air their grievances freely and others would simply be mutual teaching, where disparate groups learn about and learn to respect each other's histories, customs, and aspirations. Some could bring together different groups to identify common experiences and goals as well as points of disagreement, while others would be designed to bring those grievances and suggestions directly to policy makers and implementers. The latter aspect is critical to ensuring that these conversations, while gradually building trust and identifying common interests, were also regularly engaging with government officials in a position to alter policy.

The "agenda" for each meeting might vary based on local circumstances, yet there might also be a national "coordinating" committee that would ensure that different identity groups are sufficiently represented and also that divergence of opinion within those groups is recognized and not suppressed. The participants themselves - and the various communities and identities that would be represented - would also change over time, as certain grievances and inequalities are addressed and others emerge. The discussions and conclusions of meetings could be disseminated in multiple languages, fostering greater national understanding of the challenges facing different communities, but also helping to hold the government accountable for actually channeling grievances from the meetings into concrete policy changes.

A model like this could only work with acknowledgement from the Myanmar government that the "Panglong Spirit" is not something that ever really existed among the population nor (and this part is very important) something that will ever be fully realized. This is, in fact, the very reason why a single event would never be sufficient for developing a more inclusive political system. The nature of governments to view and categorize people in convenient ways and the tendency to see national identity as something primordial and given means that some individuals and groups will always find themselves outside of the national community.

Justice does not necessarily demand that every group be included, but it does demand that every grievance be considered. In the case of Myanmar, the lens of justice must be adaptable enough to look beyond ethnicity and to recognize the repression of difference within and by groups that are themselves oppressed. By seeing the creation of the Panglong Spirit as something aspirational and continually in need of re-assessment, the people of Myanmar have a unique opportunity to acknowledge the country's exclusionary past and to develop and institutionalize a system that would accommodate the changing nature of national identity, build trust between estranged groups, and create a more inclusive and just union.

Matthew J Walton is the Aung San Suu Kyi Senior Research Fellow in Modern Burmese Studies at St Antony's College, University of Oxford. He is also a consultant for The Elders on their engagement in Myanmar.
http://atimes.com/atimes/Southeast_Asia/SEA-02-070314.html
(Copyright 2014 Matthew J Walton)  (7 March 2014)
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